France ‘68

Many a time in history, students have played an important role in world changing events. Students were to the fore of the Indonesian revolutionary movement of 1998, which overthrew the 33-year-long Suharto dictatorship. In South Korea they have played a key role in the movement for democratic rights, and the events of Tinanmen Square in 1989 were also triggered by student activists.

Cynics perceive that revolutionary upheavals such as these simply do not take place in the West, that the working class and young people here are unwilling to fight. This, however, is clearly not the case. Recent years have seen a marked increase in struggle throughout the working class of Europe. But if we look only slightly further back, these struggles have been truly revolutionary in their nature - where mass movements of the working class potentially held power in their hands. In France, May 1968 saw the student movement provide the spark for what has been described as the greatest general strike in history.

Internationally, 1968 saw a wave of student unrest. The US and Britain saw students forming the backbone of movements against the war in Vietnam, while in Northern Ireland students were involved in the fight for civil rights. In France at the time there were more police per head of population than in almost any other country in the western world and, in early ’68, protests against a restrictive education system erupted into clashes between students and police.

As May began, students from Nanterre university found themselves on trial for ‘disruptive behaviour’ and, on 2 May, the university was closed in protest. Student strikes in support were attacked by the brutal CRS riot police and more students were imprisoned and fined. However, the state’s heavy handed repression of these activities created even more sympathy and even though demonstrations were officially banned, the strikes spread to schools. On 6 May, a demonstration of over 60,000 took place in the Latin Quarter of Paris. The vicious role of the CRS in attacking this demonstration saw a bloody battle unfold, where unarmed students were forced to protect themselves with anything at hand, ripping up the cobbles from the street to make barricades!

The government of Charles de Gaulle had hoped that physical repression would isolate the movement, but had seriously misjudged the mood. A poll at this time indicated that 80% of Parisians supported the students. Following 6 May, the barricades stayed up and protest continued. On 10 May, 60 new barricades were erected. Police used smoke bombs, CS and tear gas to try and break the students. Their brutality was so bad that doctors treating the injured demanded prosecution of the police. The movement was now becoming more political. The states repressive role led to some of those involved questioning the type of society that they lived in.

During this time, workers across France came out in support of the students, against unemployment and for social security. Workers in the west of France demonstrated in tens of thousands against unemployment. Almost all French universities were occupied. The trade unions called a one-day general strike for 13 May. Prime Minister Pompidou announced the reopening of the Sorbonne, one of the student’s demands. But this was too little too late. The government’s concessions did nothing to sedate the movement and in fact gave confidence to students and workers to demand more.

The general strike was only supposed to last one day. However, its momentum became unstoppable and, by 19 May, two million were on strike and occupying factories. By the 21^st, there were ten million. The general strike was more than just an act of sympathy with students, although their initial action had inspired workers. The movement represented a desire for economic change within the working class. France had seen a period of consistent economic growth but, at the same time, inflation and mass unemployment were a direct threat to workers’ standard of life. Those employed were facing longer hours in 1968 (45 per week on average) than they did in 1938 (40 per week).

Capitalism offered the working class of France no alternative to this cycle of increasing hours, unemployment and attacks on their quality of living. The general strike reflected this and their desire for an alternative. Strike action from here spread throughout every level of society: architects, astronomers, lawyers, all organised themselves for action. Actors on strike performed in the occupied factories. Artists demanded ‘socially committed art’. The mood for change seemed unstoppable. By this point, France’s government was in absolute crisis, zigzagging from bloody repression to desperate concessions. De Gaulle’s authority was practically non-existent. The London Evening Standard declared: "France has no government". Power was in the balance between the capitalists and the workers.

The opportunity was there for a revolutionary transformation. Considering the huge movements taking place internationally, this could have quickly spread through other countries. But the Communist Party, under the sway of Stalinism, did not want power. De Gaulle saw this and took the initiative. He dissolved parliament and called an election. Instead of consolidating the power which was now within the reach of workers, the Communist Party turned its attention to elections. It declared itself the party of law and order and put forward meaningless reformist slogans such as ‘democratic modernisation’. De Gaulle posed the choice sharply: "It is me or anarchy".

A revolution in France would have had serious repercussions not just in the west but in the Stalinist states of Eastern Europe as well. The Stalinists understood that this would threaten their privileged position and had the French Communist Party hold the workers back. At no point did its leadership give the working class a true sense of its undeniable power. The movement was disorientated. This allowed the ruling class to reassert itself. June saw the CRS used to break the strikes and occupations.

May 1968 saw power less than inches from the workers of France. Unfortunately, the lack of an organised and effective revolutionary party meant that there was no political force capable of pushing through the socialist transformation which they desired. The ‘May days’ of France show us the power of the working class when this class stands united in struggle. They also show us the ability of students and youth to set an example in struggle. This is a lesson which we must not forget today. In a period where attacks on higher education are merely the tip of an iceberg heading for the public sector in Britain, students will have to stand solidly next to workers. But as the lessons of France show, if we do, we have the world within our grasp.