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Stonewall Riots
Greg Maughan
The word ‘Stonewall’ is now synonymous with gay
rights. But ask most LGBT people in the UK what they think of when they
hear it, and the majority will point to the Stonewall Foundation gay
rights group. With a strategy of backroom lobbying and deals with the New
Labour government, the Stonewall Foundation organise very little grass
roots activity and in December 2003, upon the passing of the Employment
Equality Regulation pronounced "Discrimination in the workplace –
It’s so over!" Yet equal rights in the workplace for women were
supposedly granted on the 1970s and there is still a disparity of 20%
between women’s pay and men’s. It is true that gay rights are much
stronger now than they were 50 years ago, but that is the result of the
work of many LGBT people within communities and trade unions, not a few
backroom deals. And that struggle is by no means over.
February 2005 was National Gay History Month. Though
much of this focused on a cultural history, on the contributions of LGBT
people to Art, Music & Literature, there is a social history that must
not be overlooked. This is a history of the struggle against
discrimination that LGBT people face in there everyday lives. It is a
struggle that many still face today and a knowledge of that history is
needed both to draw lessons from and to draw inspiration from. The
original ‘Stonewall’, unlike its limp namesake, offers us both these
things.
The Stonewall Inn, situated in New York’s Greenwich
Village area, was like most gay bars of ‘60s NY: dank, dirty, tatty,
lacking a liquor licence & run by the mob. Police chiefs would take
back-handers and allow the bars to stay open, systematically raiding them
and roughing up the predominantly working class clientele under the guise
of ‘public morals’ in order to regulate their racket. These raids and
the police violence that would inevitably ensue had happened thousands of
times not just in New York, but across the US. So it was nothing unusual
when on the 27th of June 1969 the Stonewall Inn was busted.
Things unfolded as they had countless times before: mafia bosses swiftly
removed the cigar boxes which acted as tills, Officers demanded ID from
customers, then either dragged them off to waiting police vans or pushed
them outside and off the pavement. At this point something unusual
happened. The manhandled customers started to fight back. Even those there
aren’t sure what triggered the shift into action, but it had begun. Riot
veteran Craig Rodwell said; "A number of incidents were happening
simultaneously. There was no one thing that happened or one person, there
was just a flash of group, of mass anger."
Mocking the police pay-offs – or ‘gayola’, as it
was dubbed – the crowd began to throw coins at the police. Coins were
quickly followed by rocks, bottles and anything else at hand. As the
shocked police backed away, a wave of euphoria spread throughout the crowd
and cheers ran out. Police vans were busted open and prisoners escaped to
join the growing throng of protesters. Word spread throughout the city and
hundreds of gay men & lesbians came down to join in the fray: black,
white, hispanic, largely working class. They were united by their hatred
of the persecution and extortion that they faced for just living the life
that they did. Shouts of "Gay Power!" rang out and with them all
of the anger at a system which forced them into a ghetto-like existence,
but also a joy at finally kicking back against it. The police, confused
but vicious, were now reinforced by the Tactical Patrol Force (TPF), a
riot squad specifically trained to deal with people protesting against the
Vietnam War.
Historian Martin Duberman describes what followed as
the two dozen "massively proportioned" TPF riot police advanced
on the protesters, arms linked in Roman Legion-style wedge formation:
"In their path, the rioters slowly retreated,
but - contrary to police expectations - did not break and run…
hundreds… scattered to avoid the billy-clubs but then raced around
the block, doubled back behind the troopers, and pelted them with
debris. When the cops realized that a considerable crowd had simply
re-formed to their rear, they flailed out angrily at anyone who came
within striking distance. But the protestors would not be cowed. The
pattern repeated itself several times: The TPF would disperse the
jeering mob only to have it re-form behind them, yelling taunts,
tossing bottles and bricks, setting fires in trash cans. When the
police whirled around to reverse direction at one point, they found
themselves face to face with their worst nightmare: a chorus line of
mocking queens, their arms clasped around each other, kicking their
heels in the air Rockettes-style and singing at the tops of their
sardonic voices:
‘We are the Stonewall girls,
We wear our hair in curls,
We wear no underwear,
We show our pubic hair…
We wear our dungarees,
Above our nelly knees!’
It was a deliciously witty, contemptuous counterpoint
to the TPF's brute force". (Stonewall, M Duberman, 1993)
The following evening saw the crowd swell from 100’s
to 1000’s. For the next week, Stonewall was the focal point of protests
and disturbances every evening. Leaflets headed "Get the mafia &
cops out of gay bars!" were handed out.
The aftermath of the riots saw discussions taking place
within the gay community, and the first weeks of July saw the emergence of
a small LGBT group called the Gay Liberation Front. Consciously choosing
its name to reflect anti-imperialist struggles in Vietnam & Algeria,
the GLF quickly grew and comparable bodies emerged in places such as
Germany, Australia, Britain & France. In the US, layers of the GLF
went on to collect funds for striking workers, organize solidarity action
for arrested Black Panthers and draw the conclusion that gay liberation
had to be linked to the struggle for socialism.
Though the GLF is no more, the heroic action of the men
& women of stonewall still inspires. And though things have improved
since then, it is only through the courageous and persistent campaigning
of LGBT people.
But as some in the GLF and many since have realized,
the struggle for liberation needs to be linked to the struggle for
socialism. Capitalism has a vested interest in keeping prejudice and
division alive. In Britain, successive Conservative and New Labour
governments, who both support the free market system, have used the
ideology of the family to buttress their social and economic system. This
can be seen not just in discrimination against LGBT people, but also in
their attacks upon single parents and the prevalence of ideas such as
so-called ‘family values’. This archaic technique of divide-and-rule
will be kept alive because it helps prop up a system which promotes the
interests of a rich elite at the expense of everyone else.
We’ve come a long way, but the struggle is not
"so over", and as inspiration for us today and tomorrow, the
history of struggle must not be forgotten and must be kept alive.
Reggae and gay rights
Max Toynbee
Reggae is close to my heart. I run a small sound system
with my housemate in Manchester and make weekly trips down to Moss Side to
buy 7" 45s of our favourite artists. The style we prefer is ‘conscious’
reggae, which sounds a lot like older roots of the 1970s and 1980s, but
produced in a more modern digital style.
A lot of controversy has arisen lately over the lyrical
content of artists such as Buju Banton. Such artists are criticised for
inciting homophobia and violence against gays. Buju’s early 1990s hit,
‘Boom Bye Bye’, is one such example, which incites shooting and
attacking gay people.
A Buju Banton gig was cancelled last year due to his
homophobic lyrics. But there are a number of factors that make this ban
problematic. Firstly, Buju’s lyrics have changed a lot since the release
of ‘Boom Bye Bye’ over a decade ago. He reinvented himself, along with
other ‘slack’ deejays, such as Capleton, releasing songs in the ‘conscious’
style, most notably ‘Murderer’, which is about his friend getting shot
dead. The song criticises gunmen and gun crime in general. However, even
after his move to a more conscious style, he never seriously refuted the
message of ‘Boom Bye Bye’ and continues to support and collaborate
with blatantly violent homophobic artists, such as Elephant Man, as well
as collecting royalties from his older homophobic releases. And there are
far worse artists, like Vybz Kartel, who specifically target Jamaican gay
liberation groups, such as J-Flag, in their lyrics.
The Buju gig was cancelled with virtually no publicity.
It seemed to be decided in the bureaucracy of the council, behind closed
doors. Apparently, the police had stepped in amid fears of violence, as a
gay-rights protest was due to be held outside the venue. Surely it would
have been better to engage in a debate that involved the wider community
about the homophobic nature of the lyrics and why it is wrong, rather than
simply banning the gig for ambiguous ‘legal reasons’, which have
little meaning or relevance amongst ordinary people?
Peter Tatchell and OutRage! state: "Our aim is to
make Britain a no-go area for entertainers who incite violence against gay
people." (www.petertatchell.net) Is this the right way forward? It
could mean effectively calling for the banning of a massive proportion of
reggae artists who are very popular with younger audiences – people who
face discrimination and marginalisation themselves on a daily basis.
Furthermore, reggae concerts are only one small part of the scene, and
most people listen to reggae (including that which incites homophobia)
through the unregulated, underground systems of circulation such as pirate
radio, sound systems and clubs.
Whilst banning concerts tends to raise a high media
profile, only being concerned with concerts means that broadcasting of the
majority of homophobic reggae to mass audiences is ignored.
Some people hark back to the ‘good old days’ of Bob
Marley and peace, love and unity. However, the roots of homophobia in
reggae go way back, including in plenty of roots songs from the late 1970s
and early 1980s. Also, there is a danger that the focus today is only on
homophobia, ignoring any positive messages or the overall culture. There
is a danger of alienating those who would attend these gigs, without
addressing homophobia in everyday life. It could be seen as an attack on
reggae and Caribbean culture in general. It could even drive homophobia
deeper into the consciousness of reggae audiences.
These are not simple issues with easy answers. What
about the more overtly violent homophobic artists, such as Capleton and
Sizzla? Would we support closing down their gigs? Is it the same as
stopping the incitement to racist violence by fascist bands like
Screwdriver?
It is important to point out the seriousness of the
situation in Jamaica itself, where gay people suffer extreme persecution
(see: www.jflag.org). Being gay in Jamaica is still against the law, and
the police have been known to join in violent attacks on gays. Gay people
are frequently physically abused, being literally burned, as incited by
some artists. This situation is terrible, and we should raise awareness of
this, as well as any similar situations around the world.
Homophobia in reggae is a big problem, and should not
be defended for any reason. Inciting violence against gay people is wrong
in the same way as, for example, the inciting of violence against black
people is wrong. Therefore, I can see why certain reggae artists should be
banned. My main issue is that this should be done in a democratic way in
which it is clear why the gig has been cancelled and who has banned it.
More importantly, banning gigs is just one part of the fight against
homophobia; it must be backed up by more far reaching face-to-face work.
Tatchell and groups like OutRage! continue to do a lot to campaign for gay
rights. The issue here is largely to do with the tactics of the gay rights
movement.
The best way we can tackle homophobia is to unite
working-class people across lines of sexuality, race and gender to fight
against the oppression that affects us all and to fight for better
services and conditions. This is another reason why the call for a new
mass workers’ party is important, as this will be a significant step
towards breaking down barriers of prejudice. Furthermore, we will have to
continue to fight against prejudice until we replace capitalism with
socialism.
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